Predicate negation and word-order change: A problem of multiple causation
Identifieur interne : 001499 ( Main/Exploration ); précédent : 001498; suivant : 001500Predicate negation and word-order change: A problem of multiple causation
Auteurs : Armin Schwegler [États-Unis]Source :
- Lingua [ 0024-3841 ] ; 1983.
English descriptors
- Entity :
- org : Bolivia, Venezuela, Ecuador, Peru, Colombia, and Santo Domingo, Northern Italy and Graubtinden, Northern Italy, Graubtinden, and Northeastern, Southern Switzerland and Northern Italy.
- pers : A. Schwegler, C. Rom, E. Rom, France, French, Haase, Harris, Jerry Craddock, Jespersen, Martin Harris, N. Italian, Portuguese, Spanish, Suzanne Fleischman, To, Val Mtistair, Vennemann, W. Rom, W. Roman, W. Romantsch.
- place : American, BUK, CA, France, Italy, Mexico, Roman, Saint Thomas, Switzerland, USA.
- Teeft :
- Adstratum, Adstratum influence, Adverb, Afrikaans, American spanish, Basic change, Basic shift, Brazilian portuguese, Bucca, Central romantsch, Characteristic feature, Classical latin, Colloquial french, Compelling evidence, Consistent realization, Datum, Deutschen sprache, Diachronic, Diachronic view, Dicziunari rumanrsch grischun, Dicziunari rumantsch grischun, Eastern romantsch, Emph, Emph neg2, Emphasizer, Emphasizers, Emphatic, Emphatic device, Emphatic particle, Emphatic value, Eventual shift, Finite verb, First negative, Francais, Francais contemporain, French language, French postverbal negation, French syntax, Functional load, Geneva droz, Germanic adstratum influence, Germanic contact, Germanic influence, Germanic language, High german, Historische grammatik, Implausible assumption, Jespersen, Langue francaise, Latin pattern, Lehmann, Lockwood, Main clause, Modern french, Modern romantsch, Neg2, Neg3, Negation, Negation cycle, Negation pattern, Negation strategy, Negative adverb, Negative cycle, Negative exponent, Negative marker, Negative morpheme, Negative particle, Negative proper, Negator, Negl, Negl neg2 neg3, Nominal emph, Nominal emph neg2, Nominal emphasizers, Northern italian dialect, Northern italy, Obligatory subject pronoun, Occitan, Oenum, Other constituent, Other emph, Other language, Other romance language, Other word, Parisian french, Passage avec, Phonetic, Phonetic attrition, Phonetic reduction, Portuguese, Portuguese present, Postverbal, Postverbal negation, Postverbal particle, Postverbal pattern, Postverbal position, Predicate, Predicate negation, Predicate negative particle, Predicate negators, Prefixal person marker, Preverbal, Preverbal negation, Preverbal negative particle, Preverbal particle, Preverbal position, Preverbal predicate negation, Provencal, Qualifier, Recent study, Romance, Romance language, Romance philology, Romanica helvetica, Romantsch, Romantsch dialect, Saint thomas becker, Schwegler, Schwegler predicare negation, Schwegler predicate negalion, Schwegler predicate negarion, Schwegler predicate negation, Sentence qualifier, Sole marker, Subject clitics, Subordinate clause, Subordinate environment, Surface structure, Sursilvan, Syntactic, Syntactic conservatism, Syntax, Translation mine, Typological, Typological approach, Typological framework, Typological pressure, Typologically consistent, Typology, Universal term, Vennemann, Verb, Verb position, Verb shift, Verbinitial syntax, Wartburg, Western romance language, Western romantsch, Word order, Word order change.
Abstract
Abstract: It will be shown in this paper first, that various claims (e.g. Vennemann 1974; Harris 1976, 1978) to the effect that the positioning of the predicate negative particle in Proto-Indo-European, Latin, Germanic, and Romance (particularly French) is the result of the general syntactic typology of these languages cannot be supported. Where predicate negation appears to be typologically consistent, such consistency must be considered as purely accidental. Second, after demonstrating the weaknesses of both the ‘typological’ and other, earlier approaches to this problem, I propose a new hypothesis to account for word-order change in respect to predicate negation in Indo-European languages.
Url:
DOI: 10.1016/0024-3841(83)90001-3
Affiliations:
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Le document en format XML
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<term>Basic shift</term>
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<term>Diachronic view</term>
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<term>Francais contemporain</term>
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<term>French postverbal negation</term>
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<term>Lockwood</term>
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<term>Negation pattern</term>
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<front><div type="abstract" xml:lang="en">Abstract: It will be shown in this paper first, that various claims (e.g. Vennemann 1974; Harris 1976, 1978) to the effect that the positioning of the predicate negative particle in Proto-Indo-European, Latin, Germanic, and Romance (particularly French) is the result of the general syntactic typology of these languages cannot be supported. Where predicate negation appears to be typologically consistent, such consistency must be considered as purely accidental. Second, after demonstrating the weaknesses of both the ‘typological’ and other, earlier approaches to this problem, I propose a new hypothesis to account for word-order change in respect to predicate negation in Indo-European languages.</div>
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